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CONTENTS UNIT
1. AN INTRODUCTION TO LAWS UNIT
3. CHALLENGES OF THE LEGAL SYSTEM UNIT
7.CIVIL PROCEDURE AND CRIMINAL PROCEDURE
CIVIL PROCEDURE AND CRIMINAL PROCEDURE UNIT
12. A LAW FIRM STRUCTURE AND PRACTISE UNIT
14. IMPRISONMENT: RETRIBUTION OR REHIBILITATION |
UNIT 15. LAW ENFORCEMENT Part 1 WHAT IS THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN LAW ENFORCEMENT
AND POLICING? Often when we discuss criminal justice
systems, strategies and even professions, the terms law enforcement and
policing are used interchangeably. Though to some the two concepts may seem
to be the same or – at most – a difference without distinction, to
criminology practitioners the terms have very big and very important
differences. For those of you interested in pursuing
careers in criminal justice or criminology, you should learn what the
difference is between law enforcement and policing and why the distinction
matters At its core, the concept of law enforcement
consists of just that: enforcing laws. In its purest form, «law enforcement»
requires an unwavering adherence to rules and procedures. It is a focus on
the letter of the law rather than the spirit of the law. Citations are
issued, arrests are made and force is employed with little regard for the
reason or meaning behind a particular law or policy. Law enforcement can be a very effective way
to maintain public order and punish crime inasmuch as it is focused on
requiring the members of a community or society to comply with the law or
face the consequences. The problem of law enforcement alone as a response to
crime is that it is singular in its approach, responding to effects without
consideration for causes. The term policing has
come to mean an approach to crime fighting through community service and
problem-solving. The idea of policing requires a holistic
approach to community service, taking into account the problems that plague a
community and working with the people within that community to solve them. Policing requires cooperation from
stakeholders– residents,
business owner, and leaders – participate in the process of reducing crime
and improving quality of life. While it may seem at the time this newly
envisioned idea of policing as a societal function as opposed to being
reserved for law enforcement departments alone is only beginning to gain
traction, in fact it hearkens to the earliest days of the modern police
force. The concept is best articulated in Sir Robert Peel's 9 principles of
policing. While there may be a temptation to believe
the two concepts are one and the same, or even two sides of the same coin, in
truth the difference goes deeper. Whereas law enforcement implies compulsory
compliance, policing suggests voluntary adherence. In that sense, law
enforcement is but one component of policing, one of many tools in the
toolbox available to police officers and law enforcement agencies. In the current environment, particularly in
the United States, there is a perception that a gulf has emerged between
police departments and their communities. By focusing solely on law
enforcement, as opposed to the holistic approach of community policing, officers risk widening the gulf. Taking a law enforcement-only approach to
fighting crime can encourage an us-against-them
mentality, both in officers and the members of the public they serve. When police look to work within their
communities to solve problems and fight crime together, it encourages
participation and ownership for all parties and helps foster trust between
officers and the general public. EXERCISES 1. Sum up the main ides of the text and retell
it in Russian. 2. Fill in the missing words from the box into the
text below.
Hard research by Doctor John Violanti, 1)_________ of social and preventative medicine at the University of Buffalo School of Public
Health and Health Professionals has confirmed this. The fact is, 2)_________ officers are far
more likely to suffer numerous health complications than are members of the
general workforce. There are two primary factors that have been 3)_________
as being associated with 4)_________ of the health issues officers face:
shift work and stress. Shift work is considered to be any hours worked
outside of standard daylight hours, typically between 7:00 AM and 6:00 PM.
Stress, of course, is 5)_________ to be a person's response to external
stimuli, situations, and incidents, known as stressors. The bad news is, if there are two things law enforcement careers have
plenty of, they are shift work and 6)_________. This adds up to the potential
for plenty of health problems down the road for police officers. According to the United States Department of Labor's Bureau of Labor
Statistics, there are approximately 15 million Americans, or 9 7)_________ of the total workforce, who work non-standard
or irregular hours. By contrast, a majority of the police force is assigned to shift work,
either rotating into and out of night shifts or working them permanently. So what's the 8)_________ with shift work? In a word,
sleep. Everyone needs it, but not everyone gets it. Police officers are among those who get it
the least. According to Doctor Claire Caruso and Doctor Roger Rosa, 9)_________ at the National Institute for Occupational
Safety and Health, people need sleep similarly to the way in which they 10)_________
food and water. Sleep, as anyone who has ever been tired can attest, is a biological
necessity. Healthy sleep is vital to 11)_________
life, overall health and workplace safety. When we are tired or fatigued, our
ability to make decisions is diminished and our immune 12)_________
is inhibited. We are also at a greater risk for mental and psychological
ailments. Shift work affects sleep patterns for a variety of reasons. First of
all, according to Dr. Caruso and Dr. Rosa, humans are 13)_________
to sleep when it's dark outside. Unfortunately, working during non standard
hours necessarily requires sleeping during non standard hours. The problem is
that working nights and sleeping days goes against our 14)_________. It's unnatural for us to be up and working during the night, which
contributes to a feeling of tiredness or even fatigue through a shift.
Likewise, it's 15)_________ for us to sleep during
daylight hours, making it harder to fall and stay asleep in the daytime. In addition to the biological issue that 16)_________
sleeping during the day, there are practical and 17)_________ issues, as
well. Officers who have families or who live with people working regular
hours will often find their sleep interrupted by other people in the 18)_________, who are understandably awake when the officers
are not. Even if they live alone, the ambient noise of normal 19)_________ activities can impede daytime sleeping. 3. Read the following article and make a rendering
of it in English. НУЖНЫ ЛИ
РОССИЙСКОЙ ПОЛИЦИИ ПОЛНОМОЧИЯ «КАК В США»? Полномочия полиции – вещь неоднозначная. Вроде постоянно идут рассказы
о том, что полиция в России абсолютно беспомощна и беззащитна, а полицейский,
даже если его ножом резать будут, не выстрелит. Дескать, сядет он на скамейку
подсудимых после этого и ощутит все прелести жизни вне воли. Рассуждения эти
проявляются не просто так: в интернете часто всплывают видео, где на
сотрудников полиции нападают не совсем адекватные граждане, а правоохранители
нелепо пытаются отбиваться (пример подборки таких видео можно посмотреть
здесь ). Итогом подобных рассуждений становятся мысли, что у нас надо бы полиции
дать полномочия «как в США», чтобы могли на месте расстреливать тех, кто хотя
бы отдаленно показался опасным для жизни сотрудника правоохранительных
органов. И я выступаю за эту идею, только её нужно немного доработать. Во-первых, полиция в США не является федеральным органом (в отличие от
России), каждый штат имеет свое полицейское управление, а начальника местной
полиции либо назначает мэр, либо он избирается на голосовании. В России граждане лишены хоть какого-то права избирать или хотя бы
влиять на начальника полиции, а отсюда и рост недоверия к данному органу. Во-вторых, полицейские имеют намного больше прав, по сравнению с
рядовыми гражданами, но и имеют намного больше обязанностей и
ответственности. Только в США это работает, а в России нет. Так, например,
пытки по отношению к задержанным в российской полиции фактически стали
обыденным явлением, а «справедливого» наказания к людям системы гражданам
приходится добиваться порой не один год. В-третьих, полицейские в США проходят жесточайший отбор, включающий
полицейскую академию, обучение в которой длится полгода, где выбывают все
недостаточно физически, морально или умственно развитые. В России такого
отбора нет, если молодой человек служил в армии, со здоровьем все неплохо и
есть хотя бы среднее образование – двери открыты (пусть и на низшие должности,
но именно они-то и работают чаще всего на «земле»). В-четвертых, полицейских в США примерно в 2,5 раза меньше на душу
населения, чем в РФ. Соответственно, даже если убрать более жесткий отбор
кандидатов, то вероятность того, что в полицию попадет психически больной
человек, намного меньше чисто статистически. В-пятых, первостепенной задачей полиции является не поиск виновного в
нарушении закона, а профилактика преступлений. При этом в РФ происходит 8,7
убийств на 100 тысяч жителей, тогда как в США этот показатель составляет 4,7
и это несмотря на то, что в РФ полицейских больше в 2,5 раза. В этот список
ещё стоит добавить страну, где не легализовано оружие. В Великобритании
данный показатель ещё ниже, чем в США, и он составляет 1,2 убийства на 100
тысяч жителей. Даже сравнение с этими странами приводит к выводам, что в РФ
полицейские абсолютно не справляются с задачей профилактики преступлений. В-шестых, в США есть ряд Конституционных поправок, которые гарантируют
гражданам их права. Например, четвертая поправка гарантирует запрет на
произведение обысков. И полицейские, если не дать своего согласия на обыск,
должны будут получить ордер в суде, для чего придется доказать судье
обоснованность данной процедуры. В России Конституция также устанавливает право граждан на
неприкосновенность частной жизни. Только это же право ограничено федеральным
законом. И любой полицейский, если ему того захочется (чаще всего это
делается, чтобы показать свою власть), может придумать тысячу причин, почему
ему нужно досмотреть транспортное средство конкретного гражданина. Соответственно, можно говорить, что в ряде случаев полномочия
российских полицейских шире, чем полномочия их коллег из США. Part 2 THE
PROBLEMS WITH POLICING THE POLICE No sooner had the video gone viral than the Justice Department
announced it would again be scrutinizing the conduct of a local police force –
this time in North Charleston, S.C.,
where a white officer had shot and killed an unarmed black man, Walter Scott,
as he tried to run away. Such announcements have become almost a national ritual in this moment
of heightened sensitivity to police conduct, a ready federal response to the
charges of bias and abuse that have risen against law enforcement agencies
across the country. From Albuquerque to Ferguson, the arrival of the
department’s Civil Rights Division has been meant to signal that Washington understands
there is a problem and is committed to solving it. But as the Obama administration has ratcheted up its oversight of
state and local law-enforcement agencies, using a 21-year-old law to impose
reforms on police forces that show a pattern of civil rights violations,
questions about the effectiveness of those interventions have also been on
the rise. In cities like Detroit and New Orleans, officials have railed at the
high cost of the Justice Department’s reform plans, including the
multi-million-dollar fees paid to the monitors who make sure local officials
comply with federal mandates. Elsewhere, some local officials have simply
refused to accept what they view as meddlesome dictates, preferring to fight
the demands for change in federal court. Then there is the challenge of making the policing reforms last. Even
where local leaders have embraced Washington’s prescriptions, Justice
Department officials have increasingly found themselves returning to grapple
a second time with problems they thought they had fixed. «What we want to do is make sure that we are opening investigations
and seeing sustainable reforms through to the end», the head of the department’s Civil Rights
Division, Vanita Gupta, said in an interview. In cases like that of North Charleston, S.C., Justice officials have
sometimes stepped in behind local prosecutors to examine whether police
officers involved in a shooting used «objectively unreasonable force» against
a suspect in violation of their Constitutional rights. The department seemed
to take that approach in announcing Tuesday that it would investigate the
death of Freddie Gray, a 25-year-old black man whose spinal cord was severed
after he was arrested by the police in Baltimore. But it is the more systemic investigations – in which state or municipal law-enforcement
agencies are suspected of engaging in a «pattern or practice» of civil rights
violations – that have both raised public expectations and sometimes fallen
short of lasting reforms. U.S. Attorney General Eric Holder announces the Justice Department’s
civil rights investigation into the Ferguson, Mo. Police department on Sep.
4, 2014. Under Holder, the department has reached settlements in 15 such
cases. In Cleveland, where Attorney General Eric Holder appeared in December
to decry a longstanding pattern of «unreasonable and unnecessary use of force»
by the police, he neglected to mention that the Justice Department had
investigated the city’s police a decade before. Justice officials settled
that earlier case after the city promised to revise its policing methods. Other recurring problems have emerged in police departments in Miami,
New Orleans and New Jersey, all of which had promised to carry out major changes
in response to Justice Department investigations that turned up evidence of
discriminatory policing. In interviews, Justice Department officials acknowledged that some of
their earlier reform plans have fallen short. At times, they said, the department
chose benchmarks that did not adequately measure the conduct they were trying
to change. In other instances, federal officials did not sufficiently monitor
or enforce the reforms they had sought. «We continue to learn from each of our agreements and, frankly,
improve on the way we enforce the statute», said Mark Kappelhoff,
another senior official in the Civil Rights Division. «That learning
continues up until today». The Justice Department’s growing attention to local law-enforcement
agencies comes at a time of intense public scrutiny of police forces around
the country. When local prosecutors have failed to indict police officers for
shooting unarmed suspects or committing other apparent excesses, critics have
often pressed Washington to act under the statute that criminalizes the use
of «objectively unreasonable force» by an officer of the law. Holder’s Justice Department has charged more than 400 law-enforcement
and corrections officers with various violations of constitutional rights in
recent years. But its occasional inquiries into police shootings have often
left the activists disappointed – as they were when the department
concluded in March that the killing of Michael Brown in Ferguson did not
violate federal law. EXERCISES 1. Sum up the main ides of the text and retell
it in Russian. 2. Fill in the missing words from the box into the
text below.
The Civil Rights Division conducts its broader, «pattern or practice»
investigations under a 1)__________ federal statute.
That law took shape after the 1991 roadside beating of Rodney King by white
officers of the Los Angeles Police Department, and was finally 2)__________
in 1994. That statute, known as 14141 after its section of the U.S. Code,
allows the Justice Department to 3)__________ almost
any report of police actions that suggest a pattern of violations of
citizens’ constitutional civil rights. Where the 4)__________ are upheld, the
department can seek agreement with local governments on policing reforms or –
as it has done more aggressively under
President Obama – go to the federal
courts to 5)__________ changes under closely monitored consent decrees. Justice officials also announced the most recent of those inquiries on
Tuesday, saying they would 6)__________ complaints
that police in the central Louisiana town of Ville Platte and sheriffs of the
surrounding Evangeline Parish had detained 7)__________ without cause. With both the individual and 8)__________
cases, the remedies might include ordering police agencies to conduct new 9)__________,
set up computerized 10)__________, install dashboard cameras on patrol cars
or change the way they handle citizen complaints. The agreements are
sometimes 11)__________ by retired police officials
who have implemented similar reform plans in their own cities. The investigations are intended to serve as examples. The office that
conducts the inquiries, the Special Litigation 12)__________
of the Civil Rights Division, has only about 50 13)__________, some of whom
concentrate on issues other than police accountability. They field complaints by the hundreds. «They have to pick
their battles», said
Stephen Rushin, a visiting assistant professor at
the University of Illinois College of Law who has studied the process. The Ferguson inquiry that began last September, for example, involved
a relatively tiny police force of 54 14)__________ and a town population of
barely 20,000. But it required hundreds of Justice Department
15)__________, the review of
35,000 pages of police records and an extensive statistical analysis of
police and court data, among other steps, the 16)__________ noted. And though the
investigation prompted the swift resignations of Ferguson’s police chief,
city manager and municipal judge, the 17)__________ part may be yet to come:
negotiating a 18)__________ agreement that the city’s surviving officials
will not only accept but implement fully. 3. Read the following article and make a rendering
of it in English. В колониальный период функции полиции выполняли выборные шерифы и
ополченцы. Так, началом истории полиции США можно считать 1626 год, когда в Нью Йорке
был основан Офис Шерифа (Sheriff's Office). Также, в этот период были открыты подобные
управления и в других городах. В 1789 году была создана Служба Маршалов. В задачи Службы входит
обеспечение деятельности федеральных судов, контроль за
исполнением их приговоров и решений, розыск, арест и надзор за содержанием
федеральных преступников, аукционная продажа конфискованного имущества, а
также борьба с терроризмом и массовыми беспорядками. Вскоре были созданы и
другие федеральные службы, такие как Парковая Полиция США (US Park Police) и Полиция
Монетного Двора (US Mint Police)
в 1791 году. Первая американская полиция была создана в Бостоне в 1838 году. В ее
задачи входило обеспечение безопасности на улицах города. К 1860 году
большинство американских городов так же создали свои полицейские силы – в 1844 году полиция была создана в Нью Йорке,
в 1854 г. – в Филадельфии. Местные
политики часто контролировали первые полицейские подразделения, отвечая за
наем и продвижение по службе. Коррупция и жестокость были обычными явлениями.
Обучение и надзор за офицерами были минимальными. Ряд факторов и конкретных событий повлекли за собой реформирование
полиции. Одним из таких событий стало судебное дело Миранда
против Аризоны. Решением по этому делу суд постановил, что любые показания,
как признательные, так и оправдательные могут быть использованы в суде только
в том случае, если сторона обвинения может доказать, что подозреваемый перед
допросом был информирован о праве на адвоката и о праве не свидетельствовать
против себя. При этом в случае отказа подозреваемого от своих прав необходимо
доказать добровольность этого отказа. Гражданские беспорядки на фоне межрасовых проблем, борьбы за
гражданские права и войны во Вьетнаме заставили полицию пересмотреть
определение преступника. Растущий уровень преступности беспокоил американское
население. Одним из самых ссущественных обытий, повлиявших на реформирование полиции, было
создание Администрации содействия охране правопорядка (Law
Enforcement Assistance Administration, LEAA) в начале 1970-х. Через LEAA на модернизацию структур полиции
выделялись миллионы долларов. В 1968 году был расширен круг полномочий
полицейских и их департаментов, они практически перестали от кого либо зависеть. Например, офицер полиции получил
право использовать оружие
на поражение в
любом, показавшемся ему опасном, случае. Таможенная служба США была образована в 1789 году для осуществления
контроля над акцизами, тарифами и другими поступлениями, получаемыми от
экспорта и импорта товаров и услуг. Таможенная служба устанавливает и
осуществляет сбор пошлин и налогов, регулирует перевозки, контролирует и
предотвращает контрабанду и мошенничество, администрирует навигационные
законы, а также занимается контролем над ввозом наркотических средств, оружия
и т.д. Part 3 For most of the Clinton and Bush administrations, a primary critique
of civil rights activists and legal scholars was that the policing
investigations were too few and far between to resonate nationally. According
to one recent study, the Justice Department investigates fewer
than 0.02 percent of the country’s nearly 18,000 state and local
law-enforcement agencies each year. As in Ferguson, the Civil Rights Division has tried to pick its shots
for maximum effect. «We have to think about how we can have a
force-multiplying effect through our investigations», Gupta said. But even where the department’s interventions have been successful,
they have rarely been smooth. One of its more-noted successes, with the Los Angeles Police
Department, began with an inquiry in the summer of 1996. It then took almost
five years of investigation, data analysis and negotiation before a consent decree
was reached. The court-supervised monitoring then continued for more than a
decade until early 2013. The LAPD’s progress was halting. During the first seven years the
police department spent under federal supervision, citizen complaints about
police stops, arrests and racial profiling all rose at various times,
although excessive-force complaints fell. Even after the department adopted a
more successful approach to curb racial profiling, a federal judge extended
his oversight for another four years. «Obviously these things don’t happen overnight», said William Yeomans,
a former senior official of the Civil Rights Division. «There are always
forces that will pull police departments towards reverting to practices that
got them into trouble in the first place. It is not something that you do
once and then walk away from». Justice officials cited the department’s investigation of racial
profiling by the New Jersey State Police, which led to a consent decree in
1999, as an example of how it has emphasized the more rigorous collection and
analysis of policing data to measure whether policy changes have made the
desired impact. The department found that New Jersey troopers stopped black and Latino
drivers much more frequently than white motorists, and it ordered changes in
policing that were to be tested against data on the race and gender of
drivers stopped in the future. But in a forthcoming study of New Jersey traffic stops between 2005
and 2007, researchers at Columbia University found that while the disproportionate
stops of minority drivers fell, African-Americans and Latinos were still
almost three times more likely to be searched than whites. In addition,
researchers found that white troopers were 20 percent more likely to search
minority drivers than were black troopers. «That’s the problem with consent decrees», said Jeffrey Fagan, a Columbia Law
School professor who oversaw the study. «They did everything that was asked
of them except stop profiling». Over the six years following the law’s passage, the Clinton
administration launched 25 investigations into discriminatory policing and
the excessive use of force, more than half of which led to court-sanctioned
consent decrees or memorandums of agreement. Many of those inquiries came in big, racially and ethnically mixed
cities like Los Angeles and Detroit, where political leaders were generally
sensitive to complaints of discrimination and sometimes welcomed federal
intervention as a way to compel police unions to accept changes in policy. As he was campaigning for the presidency in 2000, then-Governor George
W. Bush told the country’s biggest police union: «I do not believe the
Justice Department should routinely seek to conduct oversight investigations,
issue reports or undertake other activity that is designed to function as a
review of police operations in states, cities and towns». His Justice Department generally upheld that view. Of 12
excessive-force and discriminatory policing inquiries begun in Bush’s first
term, only two resulted in settlements during his administration, and neither
of those was a consent decree. No consent decrees were imposed during Bush’s
second term. A witness filmed Los Angeles police officers beating Rodney King on
March 3, 1991. The incident led to the law allowing the Justice Department to
investigate police departments for potential violations of citizens’
constitutional civil rights. «I generally did not want to be in the business of running law
enforcement agencies at the Justice Department», said Bradley Schlozman,
who oversaw the Special Litigation section during part of that time. Under Schlozman, the section shifted some of
its staff from policing inquiries to other duties. A 2008 report by the
Justice inspector general also accused Schlozman of
violating department policy and federal civil service law by pushing for
conservative attorneys while trying to weed out those he considered «pinkos» or «libs». (Federal
prosecutors declined to press charges in the matter, and Schlozman,
who denied politicizing the hiring process, said he had made his comments
about liberals in jest.) While political support for the 1994 civil rights law declined sharply
under Bush, other shortcomings of the statute also came into focus, former
officials and legal scholars said. «It was a desperately needed piece of legislation», said Yeomans, who now teaches law at American University. «But
it took the Department of Justice a while to figure out what to do with it». In Cleveland, which was plagued by discrimination and excessive-force
complaints, the Justice Department concluded a four-year investigation in
2004 by reaching an out-of-court settlement with the city. The deal, which
Justice officials monitored for a year, included a prohibition against
officers from firing at fleeing vehicles unless someone’s life was in danger. But by 2013, Justice Department investigators were back in the city.
This time they came at the request of the mayor, to look into another rash of
police shootings and other issues. Among the problems they reviewed was a
high-speed car chase that began when officers mistook the car’s backfire for
a gunshot, and ended with a barrage of 137 police bullets that killed both
the unarmed driver and his passenger. «Obviously the reforms that were attempted there didn’t take hold», Kappelhoff,
the Justice Department official, said. Justice officials have also found themselves back in Miami, where
seven black men died in police shootings during an eight-month span ending in
2011. In 2006, the department had closed an earlier civil rights
investigation of the Miami police after the force pledged to make a series of
changes sought by Washington. «Unfortunately, many of the systemic problems we believed were fixed
have reoccurred, evidenced by a steady rise in officer-involved shootings», the then-head of the Civil Rights Division,
Thomas Perez, wrote to Miami’s mayor and police chief in July 2013. Perez (who is now the Obama administration’s Labor secretary) made
similar statements about the New Orleans Police Department in 2011, when
federal prosecutors released a scathing, 158-page report that portrayed a
force rife with bias and abuse. Only seven years earlier, the Bush
administration had closed a lengthy Justice Department investigation of the
force after it promised to track officers’ conduct with a new data-management
system and overhaul its handling of citizen complaints. EXERCISES 1. Sum up the main ides of the text and retell
it in Russian. 2. Fill in the missing words from the box into the
text below.
Over the last few 1)_________,
Attorney General Holder has made the law enforcement investigations a higher
priority. This year, his 2)_________ asked Congress for a $2.5 million budget
increase to add 13 attorneys and six investigators to its Civil Rights
Division’s 3)_________ misconduct team, department documents show. Rather than simply checking off mandated
changes in policy, as it did in the past, the agency has 4)_________
the more sophisticated analysis of data to assess change. «We call our last
six years our 2.0 era of consent decrees», Kappelhoff
said. A 2012 agreement with Seattle, for example,
requires local police to report the rate of arrests, where an officer used 5)_________ force, and how many times police department
policy was 6)_________ in each
incident. In Albuquerque, where a consent decree was signed last November,
the police will track officers’ use of force and their interactions with the
mentally ill, and set up a 7)_________ panel to analyze the results. What the Justice Department has not managed
to do is to make its reform plans any less costly to carry out. In Detroit, where the police department came
under two separate consent decrees in 2003 (one related to a high 8)_________
of police shootings, the other tied to the illegal detention of witnesses),
the city later sued its 9)_________ federal monitor, Sheryl Robinson Wood,
demanding a $10 million refund for her work. City officials noted that while Wood was 10)_________ the Detroit police as much as $193,680.55 a
month, she was also 11)_________ on a secret romantic relationship with the
then-mayor, Kwame Kilpatrick, who is now serving a
28-year federal prison term for 12)_________ corruption. At the time, the
city was also sliding into bankruptcy. (Lawyers for the city eventually
reached out-of-court settlements with Wood’s former employers: for $1.75 13)_________
with Kroll Associates, Inc., the 14)_________ firm,
and $350,000 with two law firms where she had worked.) 3. Read the following article and make a rendering
of it in English. На днях вышла первая серия долгожданного второго сезона «Настоящего
детектива». Мы в редакции её посмотрели и задались вопросами. И один из них
по поводу устройства американской полиции. Дело в том, что в новом сезоне 3
из 4 главных героев – полицейские, причём совершенно разные по
должностям и работе. И вот, мы решили разобраться, как это работает. Шерифы. На эту должность выбирает местное население. Шерифы работают в округах и их власть распространяется только на свой
населённый пункт. Сельские копы, как швейцарские ножи, батрачат за все
внутренние органы: следят за порядком, управляют окружной тюрьмой, выполняют
роль судебных приставов. Дружинники. Называются «Auxiliary Police Officers». Эти
парни работают за идею, зарплату не получают и огнестрельное оружие не носят.
Зато им дают патрульную машину, форму и жетоны с обозначениями дружинников.
Но устраиваются туда не только психи, которые хотят испытать полицейскую
власть – если указать в резюме, что ты служил дружинником, это резко увеличит
твои шансы при устройстве на работу. Такой менталитет. Видов американской полиции много. Очень. У каждого государственного
департамента может быть своя полиция, которая в основном следит за внутренним
порядком. Но вообще классифицировать можно так: Полиция штата. Половина всех полицейских США входят в эту категорию.
Занимаются вообще всем от уличных проституток до разборок наркокартелей.
Иногда влезают в федеральные дела. Городская полиция. Любой город с населением свыше 400 тысяч человек
имеет такой отдел. Властны только на территории своего города, за пределы уже
не лезут. Если попрутся за преступником на чужую
территорию, и схватят его там, преступника у них отберут местные со словами «Это
не ваша юрисдикция». Знаменитая NYPD – как раз городская
полиция. |