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Part 1



Often when we discuss criminal justice systems, strategies and even professions, the terms law enforcement and policing are used interchangeably. Though to some the two concepts may seem to be the same or – at most – a difference without distinction, to criminology practitioners the terms have very big and very important differences.

For those of you interested in pursuing careers in criminal justice or criminology, you should learn what the difference is between law enforcement and policing and why the distinction matters

At its core, the concept of law enforcement consists of just that: enforcing laws. In its purest form, «law enforcement» requires an unwavering adherence to rules and procedures. It is a focus on the letter of the law rather than the spirit of the law. Citations are issued, arrests are made and force is employed with little regard for the reason or meaning behind a particular law or policy.

Law enforcement can be a very effective way to maintain public order and punish crime inasmuch as it is focused on requiring the members of a community or society to comply with the law or face the consequences. The problem of law enforcement alone as a response to crime is that it is singular in its approach, responding to effects without consideration for causes.

The term policing has come to mean an approach to crime fighting through community service and problem-solving.

The idea of policing requires a holistic approach to community service, taking into account the problems that plague a community and working with the people within that community to solve them.

Policing requires cooperation from stakeholders residents, business owner, and leaders – participate in the process of reducing crime and improving quality of life.

While it may seem at the time this newly envisioned idea of policing as a societal function as opposed to being reserved for law enforcement departments alone is only beginning to gain traction, in fact it hearkens to the earliest days of the modern police force. The concept is best articulated in Sir Robert Peel's 9 principles of policing.

While there may be a temptation to believe the two concepts are one and the same, or even two sides of the same coin, in truth the difference goes deeper. Whereas law enforcement implies compulsory compliance, policing suggests voluntary adherence. In that sense, law enforcement is but one component of policing, one of many tools in the toolbox available to police officers and law enforcement agencies.

In the current environment, particularly in the United States, there is a perception that a gulf has emerged between police departments and their communities. By focusing solely on law enforcement, as opposed to the holistic approach of community policing, officers risk widening the gulf.

Taking a law enforcement-only approach to fighting crime can encourage an us-against-them mentality, both in officers and the members of the public they serve.

When police look to work within their communities to solve problems and fight crime together, it encourages participation and ownership for all parties and helps foster trust between officers and the general public.



1. Sum up the main ides of the text and retell it in Russian.


2. Fill in the missing words from the box into the text below.

professor police identified most understood biology unnatural affects logistical home daytime stress percent problem researchers need maintaining system hardwired


Hard research by Doctor John Violanti, 1)_________ of social and preventative medicine at the  University of Buffalo School of Public Health and Health Professionals has confirmed this.

The fact is, 2)_________ officers are far more likely to suffer numerous health complications than are members of the general workforce.

There are two primary factors that have been 3)_________ as being associated with 4)_________ of the health issues officers face: shift work and stress. Shift work is considered to be any hours worked outside of standard daylight hours, typically between 7:00 AM and 6:00 PM. Stress, of course, is 5)_________ to be a person's response to external stimuli, situations, and incidents, known as stressors.

The bad news is, if there are two things law enforcement careers have plenty of, they are shift work and 6)_________. This adds up to the potential for plenty of health problems down the road for police officers.

According to the United States Department of Labor's Bureau of Labor Statistics, there are approximately 15 million Americans, or 9 7)_________ of the total workforce, who work non-standard or irregular hours.

By contrast, a majority of the police force is assigned to shift work, either rotating into and out of night shifts or working them permanently.

So what's the  8)_________ with shift work? In a word, sleep. Everyone needs it, but not everyone gets it.  Police officers are among those who get it the least.

According to Doctor Claire Caruso and Doctor Roger Rosa, 9)_________ at the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health, people need sleep similarly to the way in which they 10)_________ food and water.

Sleep, as anyone who has ever been tired can attest, is a biological necessity. Healthy sleep is vital to 11)_________ life, overall health and workplace safety. When we are tired or fatigued, our ability to make decisions is diminished and our immune 12)_________ is inhibited. We are also at a greater risk for mental and psychological ailments.

Shift work affects sleep patterns for a variety of reasons. First of all, according to Dr. Caruso and Dr. Rosa, humans are 13)_________ to sleep when it's dark outside. Unfortunately, working during non standard hours necessarily requires sleeping during non standard hours. The problem is that working nights and sleeping days goes against our 14)_________.

It's unnatural for us to be up and working during the night, which contributes to a feeling of tiredness or even fatigue through a shift. Likewise, it's 15)_________ for us to sleep during daylight hours, making it harder to fall and stay asleep in the daytime.

In addition to the biological issue that 16)_________ sleeping during the day, there are practical and 17)_________ issues, as well. Officers who have families or who live with people working regular hours will often find their sleep interrupted by other people in the 18)_________, who are understandably awake when the officers are not. Even if they live alone, the ambient noise of normal 19)_________ activities can impede daytime sleeping.


3. Read the following article and make a rendering of it in English.



Полномочия полиции – вещь неоднозначная. Вроде постоянно идут рассказы о том, что полиция в России абсолютно беспомощна и беззащитна, а полицейский, даже если его ножом резать будут, не выстрелит. Дескать, сядет он на скамейку подсудимых после этого и ощутит все прелести жизни вне воли. Рассуждения эти проявляются не просто так: в интернете часто всплывают видео, где на сотрудников полиции нападают не совсем адекватные граждане, а правоохранители нелепо пытаются отбиваться (пример подборки таких видео можно посмотреть здесь ).

Итогом подобных рассуждений становятся мысли, что у нас надо бы полиции дать полномочия «как в США», чтобы могли на месте расстреливать тех, кто хотя бы отдаленно показался опасным для жизни сотрудника правоохранительных органов.

И я выступаю за эту идею, только её нужно немного доработать.

Во-первых, полиция в США не является федеральным органом (в отличие от России), каждый штат имеет свое полицейское управление, а начальника местной полиции либо назначает мэр, либо он избирается на голосовании.

В России граждане лишены хоть какого-то права избирать или хотя бы влиять на начальника полиции, а отсюда и рост недоверия к данному органу.

Во-вторых, полицейские имеют намного больше прав, по сравнению с рядовыми гражданами, но и имеют намного больше обязанностей и ответственности. Только в США это работает, а в России нет. Так, например, пытки по отношению к задержанным в российской полиции фактически стали обыденным явлением, а «справедливого» наказания к людям системы гражданам приходится добиваться порой не один год.

В-третьих, полицейские в США проходят жесточайший отбор, включающий полицейскую академию, обучение в которой длится полгода, где выбывают все недостаточно физически, морально или умственно развитые. В России такого отбора нет, если молодой человек служил в армии, со здоровьем все неплохо и есть хотя бы среднее образование –  двери открыты (пусть и на низшие должности, но именно они-то и работают чаще всего на «земле»).

В-четвертых, полицейских в США примерно в 2,5 раза меньше на душу населения, чем в РФ. Соответственно, даже если убрать более жесткий отбор кандидатов, то вероятность того, что в полицию попадет психически больной человек, намного меньше чисто статистически.

В-пятых, первостепенной задачей полиции является не поиск виновного в нарушении закона, а профилактика преступлений. При этом в РФ происходит 8,7 убийств на 100 тысяч жителей, тогда как в США этот показатель составляет 4,7 и это несмотря на то, что в РФ полицейских больше в 2,5 раза. В этот список ещё стоит добавить страну, где не легализовано оружие. В Великобритании данный показатель ещё ниже, чем в США, и он составляет 1,2 убийства на 100 тысяч жителей. Даже сравнение с этими странами приводит к выводам, что в РФ полицейские абсолютно не справляются с задачей профилактики преступлений.

В-шестых, в США есть ряд Конституционных поправок, которые гарантируют гражданам их права. Например, четвертая поправка гарантирует запрет на произведение обысков. И полицейские, если не дать своего согласия на обыск, должны будут получить ордер в суде, для чего придется доказать судье обоснованность данной процедуры.

В России Конституция также устанавливает право граждан на неприкосновенность частной жизни. Только это же право ограничено федеральным законом. И любой полицейский, если ему того захочется (чаще всего это делается, чтобы показать свою власть), может придумать тысячу причин, почему ему нужно досмотреть транспортное средство конкретного гражданина.

Соответственно, можно говорить, что в ряде случаев полномочия российских полицейских шире, чем полномочия их коллег из США.


Part 2



No sooner had the video gone viral than the Justice Department announced it would again be scrutinizing the conduct of a local police force –  this time in North Charleston, S.C., where a white officer had shot and killed an unarmed black man, Walter Scott, as he tried to run away.

Such announcements have become almost a national ritual in this moment of heightened sensitivity to police conduct, a ready federal response to the charges of bias and abuse that have risen against law enforcement agencies across the country. From Albuquerque to Ferguson, the arrival of the department’s Civil Rights Division has been meant to signal that Washington understands there is a problem and is committed to solving it.

But as the Obama administration has ratcheted up its oversight of state and local law-enforcement agencies, using a 21-year-old law to impose reforms on police forces that show a pattern of civil rights violations, questions about the effectiveness of those interventions have also been on the rise.

In cities like Detroit and New Orleans, officials have railed at the high cost of the Justice Department’s reform plans, including the multi-million-dollar fees paid to the monitors who make sure local officials comply with federal mandates. Elsewhere, some local officials have simply refused to accept what they view as meddlesome dictates, preferring to fight the demands for change in federal court.

Then there is the challenge of making the policing reforms last. Even where local leaders have embraced Washington’s prescriptions, Justice Department officials have increasingly found themselves returning to grapple a second time with problems they thought they had fixed.

«What we want to do is make sure that we are opening investigations and seeing sustainable reforms through to the end»,  the head of the department’s Civil Rights Division, Vanita Gupta, said in an interview.

In cases like that of North Charleston, S.C., Justice officials have sometimes stepped in behind local prosecutors to examine whether police officers involved in a shooting used «objectively unreasonable force» against a suspect in violation of their Constitutional rights. The department seemed to take that approach in announcing Tuesday that it would investigate the death of Freddie Gray, a 25-year-old black man whose spinal cord was severed after he was arrested by the police in Baltimore.

But it is the more systemic investigations –  in which state or municipal law-enforcement agencies are suspected of engaging in a «pattern or practice» of civil rights violations – that have both raised public expectations and sometimes fallen short of lasting reforms.

U.S. Attorney General Eric Holder announces the Justice Department’s civil rights investigation into the Ferguson, Mo. Police department on Sep. 4, 2014. Under Holder, the department has reached settlements in 15 such cases.

In Cleveland, where Attorney General Eric Holder appeared in December to decry a longstanding pattern of «unreasonable and unnecessary use of force» by the police, he neglected to mention that the Justice Department had investigated the city’s police a decade before. Justice officials settled that earlier case after the city promised to revise its policing methods.

Other recurring problems have emerged in police departments in Miami, New Orleans and New Jersey, all of which had promised to carry out major changes in response to Justice Department investigations that turned up evidence of discriminatory policing.

In interviews, Justice Department officials acknowledged that some of their earlier reform plans have fallen short. At times, they said, the department chose benchmarks that did not adequately measure the conduct they were trying to change. In other instances, federal officials did not sufficiently monitor or enforce the reforms they had sought.

«We continue to learn from each of our agreements and, frankly, improve on the way we enforce the statute»,  said Mark Kappelhoff, another senior official in the Civil Rights Division. «That learning continues up until today».

The Justice Department’s growing attention to local law-enforcement agencies comes at a time of intense public scrutiny of police forces around the country.

When local prosecutors have failed to indict police officers for shooting unarmed suspects or committing other apparent excesses, critics have often pressed Washington to act under the statute that criminalizes the use of «objectively unreasonable force» by an officer of the law.

Holder’s Justice Department has charged more than 400 law-enforcement and corrections officers with various violations of constitutional rights in recent years. But its occasional inquiries into police shootings have often left the activists disappointed  as they were when the department concluded in March that the killing of Michael Brown in Ferguson did not violate federal law.



1. Sum up the main ides of the text and retell it in Russian.


2. Fill in the missing words from the box into the text below.

different enacted investigate allegations force examine people systemic databases overseen training section lawyers officers interviews report hardest reform


The Civil Rights Division conducts its broader, «pattern or practice» investigations under a 1)__________ federal statute. That law took shape after the 1991 roadside beating of Rodney King by white officers of the Los Angeles Police Department, and was finally 2)__________ in 1994.

That statute, known as 14141 after its section of the U.S. Code, allows the Justice Department to 3)__________ almost any report of police actions that suggest a pattern of violations of citizens’ constitutional civil rights. Where the 4)__________ are upheld, the department can seek agreement with local governments on policing reforms or –  as it has done more aggressively under President Obama –  go to the federal courts to 5)__________ changes under closely monitored consent decrees.

Justice officials also announced the most recent of those inquiries on Tuesday, saying they would 6)__________ complaints that police in the central Louisiana town of Ville Platte and sheriffs of the surrounding Evangeline Parish had detained 7)__________ without cause.

With both the individual and 8)__________ cases, the remedies might include ordering police agencies to conduct new 9)__________, set up computerized 10)__________, install dashboard cameras on patrol cars or change the way they handle citizen complaints. The agreements are sometimes 11)__________ by retired police officials who have implemented similar reform plans in their own cities.

The investigations are intended to serve as examples. The office that conducts the inquiries, the Special Litigation 12)__________ of the Civil Rights Division, has only about 50 13)__________, some of whom concentrate on issues other than police accountability. They field complaints by the hundreds. «They have to pick their battles»,  said Stephen Rushin, a visiting assistant professor at the University of Illinois College of Law who has studied the process.

The Ferguson inquiry that began last September, for example, involved a relatively tiny police force of 54 14)__________ and a town population of barely 20,000. But it required hundreds of Justice Department  15)__________, the review of 35,000 pages of police records and an extensive statistical analysis of police and court data, among other steps, the  16)__________ noted. And though the investigation prompted the swift resignations of Ferguson’s police chief, city manager and municipal judge, the 17)__________ part may be yet to come: negotiating a 18)__________ agreement that the city’s surviving officials will not only accept but implement fully.


3. Read the following article and make a rendering of it in English.


В колониальный период функции полиции выполняли выборные шерифы и ополченцы. Так, началом истории полиции США можно считать 1626 год, когда в Нью Йорке был основан Офис Шерифа (Sheriff's Office). Также, в этот период были открыты подобные управления и в других городах.

В 1789 году была создана Служба Маршалов. В задачи Службы входит обеспечение деятельности федеральных судов, контроль за исполнением их приговоров и решений, розыск, арест и надзор за содержанием федеральных преступников, аукционная продажа конфискованного имущества, а также борьба с терроризмом и массовыми беспорядками. Вскоре были созданы и другие федеральные службы, такие как Парковая Полиция США (US Park Police) и Полиция Монетного Двора (US Mint Police) в 1791 году.

Первая американская полиция была создана в Бостоне в 1838 году. В ее задачи входило обеспечение безопасности на улицах города. К 1860 году большинство американских городов так же создали свои полицейские силы –  в 1844 году полиция была создана в Нью Йорке, в 1854 г. –  в Филадельфии. Местные политики часто контролировали первые полицейские подразделения, отвечая за наем и продвижение по службе. Коррупция и жестокость были обычными явлениями. Обучение и надзор за офицерами были минимальными.

Ряд факторов и конкретных событий повлекли за собой реформирование полиции. Одним из таких событий стало судебное дело Миранда против Аризоны. Решением по этому делу суд постановил, что любые показания, как признательные, так и оправдательные могут быть использованы в суде только в том случае, если сторона обвинения может доказать, что подозреваемый перед допросом был информирован о праве на адвоката и о праве не свидетельствовать против себя. При этом в случае отказа подозреваемого от своих прав необходимо доказать  добровольность этого отказа.

Гражданские беспорядки на фоне межрасовых проблем, борьбы за гражданские права и войны во Вьетнаме заставили полицию пересмотреть определение преступника. Растущий уровень преступности беспокоил американское население. Одним из самых ссущественных обытий, повлиявших на реформирование полиции, было создание Администрации содействия охране правопорядка (Law Enforcement Assistance Administration, LEAA) в начале 1970-х. Через LEAA   на модернизацию структур полиции выделялись миллионы долларов. В 1968 году был расширен круг полномочий полицейских и их департаментов, они практически перестали от кого либо зависеть. Например, офицер полиции получил право  использовать  оружие  на  поражение  в  любом, показавшемся ему опасном, случае.

Таможенная служба США была образована в 1789 году для осуществления контроля над акцизами, тарифами и другими поступлениями, получаемыми от экспорта и импорта товаров и услуг. Таможенная служба устанавливает и осуществляет сбор пошлин и налогов, регулирует перевозки, контролирует и предотвращает контрабанду и мошенничество, администрирует навигационные законы, а также занимается контролем над ввозом наркотических средств, оружия и т.д.


Part 3


For most of the Clinton and Bush administrations, a primary critique of civil rights activists and legal scholars was that the policing investigations were too few and far between to resonate nationally. According to one recent study, the Justice Department investigates fewer than 0.02 percent of the country’s nearly 18,000 state and local law-enforcement agencies each year.

As in Ferguson, the Civil Rights Division has tried to pick its shots for maximum effect. «We have to think about how we can have a force-multiplying effect through our investigations»,  Gupta said.

But even where the department’s interventions have been successful, they have rarely been smooth.

One of its more-noted successes, with the Los Angeles Police Department, began with an inquiry in the summer of 1996. It then took almost five years of investigation, data analysis and negotiation before a consent decree was reached. The court-supervised monitoring then continued for more than a decade until early 2013.

The LAPD’s progress was halting. During the first seven years the police department spent under federal supervision, citizen complaints about police stops, arrests and racial profiling all rose at various times, although excessive-force complaints fell. Even after the department adopted a more successful approach to curb racial profiling, a federal judge extended his oversight for another four years.

«Obviously these things don’t happen overnight»,  said William Yeomans, a former senior official of the Civil Rights Division. «There are always forces that will pull police departments towards reverting to practices that got them into trouble in the first place. It is not something that you do once and then walk away from».

Justice officials cited the department’s investigation of racial profiling by the New Jersey State Police, which led to a consent decree in 1999, as an example of how it has emphasized the more rigorous collection and analysis of policing data to measure whether policy changes have made the desired impact.

The department found that New Jersey troopers stopped black and Latino drivers much more frequently than white motorists, and it ordered changes in policing that were to be tested against data on the race and gender of drivers stopped in the future.

But in a forthcoming study of New Jersey traffic stops between 2005 and 2007, researchers at Columbia University found that while the disproportionate stops of minority drivers fell, African-Americans and Latinos were still almost three times more likely to be searched than whites. In addition, researchers found that white troopers were 20 percent more likely to search minority drivers than were black troopers.

«That’s the problem with consent decrees»,  said Jeffrey Fagan, a Columbia Law School professor who oversaw the study. «They did everything that was asked of them except stop profiling».

Over the six years following the law’s passage, the Clinton administration launched 25 investigations into discriminatory policing and the excessive use of force, more than half of which led to court-sanctioned consent decrees or memorandums of agreement.

Many of those inquiries came in big, racially and ethnically mixed cities like Los Angeles and Detroit, where political leaders were generally sensitive to complaints of discrimination and sometimes welcomed federal intervention as a way to compel police unions to accept changes in policy.

As he was campaigning for the presidency in 2000, then-Governor George W. Bush told the country’s biggest police union: «I do not believe the Justice Department should routinely seek to conduct oversight investigations, issue reports or undertake other activity that is designed to function as a review of police operations in states, cities and towns».

His Justice Department generally upheld that view. Of 12 excessive-force and discriminatory policing inquiries begun in Bush’s first term, only two resulted in settlements during his administration, and neither of those was a consent decree. No consent decrees were imposed during Bush’s second term.

A witness filmed Los Angeles police officers beating Rodney King on March 3, 1991. The incident led to the law allowing the Justice Department to investigate police departments for potential violations of citizens’ constitutional civil rights.

«I generally did not want to be in the business of running law enforcement agencies at the Justice Department»,  said Bradley Schlozman, who oversaw the Special Litigation section during part of that time.

Under Schlozman, the section shifted some of its staff from policing inquiries to other duties. A 2008 report by the Justice inspector general also accused Schlozman of violating department policy and federal civil service law by pushing for conservative attorneys while trying to weed out those he considered «pinkos» or «libs». (Federal prosecutors declined to press charges in the matter, and Schlozman, who denied politicizing the hiring process, said he had made his comments about liberals in jest.)

While political support for the 1994 civil rights law declined sharply under Bush, other shortcomings of the statute also came into focus, former officials and legal scholars said.

«It was a desperately needed piece of legislation», said Yeomans, who now teaches law at American University. «But it took the Department of Justice a while to figure out what to do with it».

In Cleveland, which was plagued by discrimination and excessive-force complaints, the Justice Department concluded a four-year investigation in 2004 by reaching an out-of-court settlement with the city. The deal, which Justice officials monitored for a year, included a prohibition against officers from firing at fleeing vehicles unless someone’s life was in danger.

But by 2013, Justice Department investigators were back in the city. This time they came at the request of the mayor, to look into another rash of police shootings and other issues. Among the problems they reviewed was a high-speed car chase that began when officers mistook the car’s backfire for a gunshot, and ended with a barrage of 137 police bullets that killed both the unarmed driver and his passenger.

«Obviously the reforms that were attempted there didn’t take hold»,  Kappelhoff, the Justice Department official, said.

Justice officials have also found themselves back in Miami, where seven black men died in police shootings during an eight-month span ending in 2011. In 2006, the department had closed an earlier civil rights investigation of the Miami police after the force pledged to make a series of changes sought by Washington.

«Unfortunately, many of the systemic problems we believed were fixed have reoccurred, evidenced by a steady rise in officer-involved shootings»,  the then-head of the Civil Rights Division, Thomas Perez, wrote to Miami’s mayor and police chief in July 2013.

Perez (who is now the Obama administration’s Labor secretary) made similar statements about the New Orleans Police Department in 2011, when federal prosecutors released a scathing, 158-page report that portrayed a force rife with bias and abuse. Only seven years earlier, the Bush administration had closed a lengthy Justice Department investigation of the force after it promised to track officers’ conduct with a new data-management system and overhaul its handling of citizen complaints.



1. Sum up the main ides of the text and retell it in Russian.


2. Fill in the missing words from the box into the text below.

years department police emphasized excessive violated review number former billing carrying public million investigations


Over the last few 1)_________, Attorney General Holder has made the law enforcement investigations a higher priority. This year, his 2)_________ asked Congress for a $2.5 million budget increase to add 13 attorneys and six investigators to its Civil Rights Division’s 3)_________ misconduct team, department documents show.

Rather than simply checking off mandated changes in policy, as it did in the past, the agency has 4)_________ the more sophisticated analysis of data to assess change. «We call our last six years our 2.0 era of consent decrees»,  Kappelhoff said.

A 2012 agreement with Seattle, for example, requires local police to report the rate of arrests, where an officer used 5)_________ force, and how many times police department policy was  6)_________ in each incident. In Albuquerque, where a consent decree was signed last November, the police will track officers’ use of force and their interactions with the mentally ill, and set up a 7)_________ panel to analyze the results.

What the Justice Department has not managed to do is to make its reform plans any less costly to carry out.

In Detroit, where the police department came under two separate consent decrees in 2003 (one related to a high 8)_________ of police shootings, the other tied to the illegal detention of witnesses), the city later sued its 9)_________ federal monitor, Sheryl Robinson Wood, demanding a $10 million refund for her work.

City officials noted that while Wood was 10)_________ the Detroit police as much as $193,680.55 a month, she was also 11)_________ on a secret romantic relationship with the then-mayor, Kwame Kilpatrick, who is now serving a 28-year federal prison term for 12)_________ corruption. At the time, the city was also sliding into bankruptcy. (Lawyers for the city eventually reached out-of-court settlements with Wood’s former employers: for $1.75 13)_________ with Kroll Associates, Inc., the 14)_________ firm, and $350,000 with two law firms where she had worked.)


3. Read the following article and make a rendering of it in English.


На днях вышла первая серия долгожданного второго сезона «Настоящего детектива». Мы в редакции её посмотрели и задались вопросами. И один из них по поводу устройства американской полиции. Дело в том, что в новом сезоне 3 из 4 главных героев –   полицейские, причём совершенно разные по должностям и работе. И вот, мы решили разобраться, как это работает.

Шерифы. На эту должность выбирает местное население. Шерифы работают в округах и их власть распространяется только на свой населённый пункт. Сельские копы, как швейцарские ножи, батрачат за все внутренние органы: следят за порядком, управляют окружной тюрьмой, выполняют роль судебных приставов.

Дружинники. Называются «Auxiliary Police Officers». Эти парни работают за идею, зарплату не получают и огнестрельное оружие не носят. Зато им дают патрульную машину, форму и жетоны с обозначениями дружинников. Но устраиваются туда не только психи, которые хотят испытать полицейскую власть – если указать в резюме, что ты служил дружинником, это резко увеличит твои шансы при устройстве на работу. Такой менталитет.

Видов американской полиции много. Очень. У каждого государственного департамента может быть своя полиция, которая в основном следит за внутренним порядком. Но вообще классифицировать можно так:

Полиция штата. Половина всех полицейских США входят в эту категорию. Занимаются вообще всем от уличных проституток до разборок наркокартелей. Иногда влезают в федеральные дела.

Городская полиция. Любой город с населением свыше 400 тысяч человек имеет такой отдел. Властны только на территории своего города, за пределы уже не лезут. Если попрутся за преступником на чужую территорию, и схватят его там, преступника у них отберут местные со словами «Это не ваша юрисдикция». Знаменитая NYPD – как раз городская полиция.